Don’t let the Left dictate foreign policy

The government had been failing to build momentum on the nuclear deal ever since Manmohan Singh initially set the cat among the pigeons by challenging the Left to bring down the government if they seriously believed their own allegations about the deal selling the country short. It’s encouraging, therefore, that the prime minister has come out swinging again by stating that India cannot lag behind global developments by missing the bus on nuclear energy. It is poised to make the big leap to becoming a full-fledged nuclear power, but the naysayers’ league is determined to pull it back.
Singh’s statement is aimed at both the international community — where the IAEA, the Nuclear Suppliers Group and US Congress will debate India’s nuclear status soon — as well as parliamentarians back home who are contented with the status quo and fail to see the big picture. To maintain its growth momentum India needs to fire on all energy cylinders and nuclear power cannot be left out of this matrix. Nor can it afford to be locked out of vital areas of high-tech commerce because of their potential for dual use. A high-powered committee — with representatives from the UPA and the Left — has been set up to examine the possible repercussions of the Hyde Act passed by US Congress on India’s nuclear sovereignty. But the critical phrase in the joint statement announcing the step is that the operationalisation of the deal will “take into account” the committee’s findings.
That’s as it should be. In India, foreign policy is, traditionally and constitutionally, the government’s prerogative. The Left supports the government from outside. In other words, it has stayed out of government by its own choice. The government can, therefore, take into account what the Left — or any committee where the Left has a significant presence — says about something, but it doesn’t have to be bound by it. The Left can, on its part, withdraw its support to the government if it so chooses. But then it will have to take its chances with the political realignments, and possibly elections, that will follow.
It has so far tied the government’s hands on most economic reform policy measures, including disinvestment, flexible labour laws, insurance and banking. But it can’t occupy both the government and opposition space for keeps; a car driven from the back seat usually crashes. The prime minister would be right to insist on his and his cabinet’s prerogative to make policy, including foreign policy. And if he chooses to stand by the nuclear deal — a critical element of his government’s foreign policy — he can’t be blamed for it.